TAILIEUCHUNG - Báo cáo khoa học: "Localising Barriers Theory"

Government-Binding Parsing has become attractive in the last few years. A variety of systems have been designed in view of a correspondence as direct as possible with linguistic theory ([Johnson, 1989], [Pollard and Sag, 1991], [Kroch, 1989]). These approaches can be classified by their method of handling global constraints. Global constraints are syntactic in nature: They cover more than one projection. In contrast, local constraints can be checked inside a projection and, thus, lend themselves to a treatment in the lexicon. . | Localising Barriers Theory Michael Schiehlen Institute for Computational Linguistics University of Stuttgart Azenbergstr. 12 W-7000 Stuttgart 1 E-mail mike@adler .ims .uni-stuttgart. de 1 Introduction Government-Binding Parsing has become attractive in the last few years. A variety of systems have been designed in view of a correspondence as direct as possible with linguistic theory Johnson 1989 Pollard and Sag 1991 Kroch 1989 . These approaches can be classified by their method of handling global constraints. Global constraints are syntactic in nature They cover more than one projection. In contrast local constraints can be checked inside a projection and thus lend themselves to a treatment in the lexicon. Conditions on features have been the subject of intensive study and viable logics have been proposed for them see . the CUF formalism Dorre and Eisele 1991 Dorna 1992 . In this paper we assume such a unification-based mechanism to take care of local conditions and focus on global constraints. One class of approaches to principlebased parsing see Pollard and Sag 1991 for HPSG Kroch 1989 for TAG attempts to reduce global conditions to local constraints and thus to make them accessible to treatment in a feature framework. This strategy has been pursued only at the expense of sacrificing the precise formulation of the theory and the definitory power stemming from it. The result has been a shift from the structural perspective assumed by GB theory to the object-oriented view taken by unification formalisms. The other class of approaches Johnson 1989 has allowed the full range of possible restrictions on trees and has incurred potential undecidability for its parsers. We take up a middle stance on the matter in that we propose a separate logic for global constraints and posit that global constraints only work on ancestor lines see 7 . We assume movement to be encoded by the kind of gap-threading technique familiar from HPSG LFG. In order to integrate global .

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