TAILIEUCHUNG - Cú pháp tiếng anh part 15

141 Likewise, the VPs headed by the passive verb believed and the unaccusative verb occurred in (76b) have no subject of their own, and so allow several riots to move out of both VPs into spec-TP in the main clause. Similarly, the VP headed by the raising verb seem in (76c) has no subject of its own and so allows the pronoun he to move into the main clause spec-TP position. What all of this points to is that an intransitive (subjectless) VP allows a nominal c-commanded by its head verb to be attracted by a higher T constituent to. | 141 Likewise the VPs headed by the passive verb believed and the unaccusative verb occurred in 76b have no subject of their own and so allow several riots to move out of both VPs into spec-TP in the main clause. Similarly the VP headed by the raising verb seem in 76c has no subject of its own and so allows the pronoun he to move into the main clause spec-TP position. What all of this points to is that an intransitive subjectless VP allows a nominal c-commanded by its head verb to be attracted by a higher T constituent to move into spec-TP. However where a VP has a thematic subject of its own it is this subject which raises to spec-TP because the Attract Closest Principle requires T to attract the closest nominal which it c-commands to raise to spec-TP . So for example in 76c above it is the subject he of the VP headed by scare which raises to spec-TP and thereby becomes the subject of the present tense auxiliary does. The same is true of a control structure like 77 below repeated from 69 above 77 tp He t does vp he v want cp c 0 tp t to vp pro v scare them Here the pronoun he originates as the thematic subject of want and hence raises to spec-TP by virtue of being the closest nominal c-commanded by T. What this suggests is that the particular property of passive unaccusative and raising predicates which enables them to permit A-movement of the closest nominal argument which they c-command is that they are intransitive and therefore do not project an external argument so that the VP they head is subjectless . By contrast verbs which project an external argument of their own and hence occur in a VP which has a thematic subj ect require this subject to be attracted by a higher T constituent to move into spec-TP. These distinct patterns of movement are a consequence of the Attract Closest Principle. Having compared the syntax of control predicates with that of raising predicates we end this chapter by looking briefly at the question of how we can determine whether a .

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